August 2011 Archives

Historical Welfare Regimes

Motivated by the comparative historical analysis of welfare regimes in the wake of state-socialism, this essay elaborates concepts and theoretical methods for analysis of welfare regimes across a variety of historical settings. Informed by a critical reading of older and more recent literature on welfare regimes, and drawing on the legacy of classical political economy and relevant streams of contemporary social theory, the essay puts forward an analytic strategy that calls attention to historical variation in modalities of social, political, and economic integration under state-socialism and market-Leninism and their implications for welfare, insecurity, and social stratification. The essay illustrates the value of the historical welfare regimes through an analysis of historical and regional variation in the principles and institutions governing wellbeing and stratification in Viet Nam. The paper aims to restore the theoretical ambition that characterized earlier studies of welfare regimes (with their emphasis on political-class coalitions and cultures) while building upon recent conceptual innovations in the analysis of welfare regimes.

Full paper download: 3.1.3 Jonathan London.pdffigurereference

Japan has characterized as a company-centered society (Osawa 1993), where "welfare through work" was the main source of welfare provision (Miura 2002), and it was also supported by family welfare which based on the gendered division of labor. To be sure, Japan has had unemployment insurance scheme which was introduced in 1947 and amended in 1974 (Employment Insurance). The Employment Insurance scheme has also contained some elements of active labor market policies (ALMPs) such as subsidy for employment adjustment and benefits for continuing employment of older workers. These are, however, based on lifelong employment model, preventing rather than promoting labor mobility among companies. Other training programs and benefits are exclusively for those who are eligible for the Employment Insurance, which means first job seekers and long-term unemployed are not covered.

Following the collapse of bubble economy in 1991, Japan has experienced a long period of stagnation which is now called "the lost two decades". Since then, the traditional Japanese model has been seriously challenged. Young people could no longer easily get a stable job, because companies reduce the ratio of regular workers. Moreover, the number of involuntary unemployment jumped up after the Asian economic crisis in 1997, and rose again in recent years. Since 2003, some measures for youth unemployed were introduced. In 2008, in addition to the training program under the Employment Insurance scheme, government introduced Emergency Human Resource Development Program. Unemployed persons who cannot receive benefits from the Employment Insurance can take training program with 100,000-120,000 yen payment per month (there were 194,042 participants in 2010).

This paper examines the characteristics of ALMPs in Japan, and then evaluates the magnitude of its recent change by comparing it with OECD countries and other East Asian economies.
While Esping-Andersen's three-worlds model provides a pioneering and heuristic typology for comparative study of welfare regime, this article argues that some basic theoretical revisions have to be done in order to reach a better understanding on postwar Chinese welfare regime. The reason for doing so is because Esping-Andersen's analysis is based on historical experience of European capitalist development, which is related with but quite different from Chinese 'welfare capitalism'. In Mao's era, China carried out state-controlled capital accumulation in which people' labor was heavily regulated by the state, rather than market. Although Chinese society was almost completely 'decommodified' under this system, it did not render people social citizenship in the original connotation of Esping-Andersen's decommodification as people's wage and welfare was still heavily controlled and unequally distributed according to the development plan set by the state. This unequal welfare distribution is reinforced by the introduction of 'socialist market economy with Chinese characteristics' after mid-1980s when past public provision of welfare quickly faded and a new market-centric welfare system has not been built up. This sets the background of rapid development of Chinese welfare reform around the turn of the century. By examining Chinese rural medical scheme, this article argues that Chinese welfare regime is a 'conservative' one in the sense that market operation is still heavily governed and welfare provision is unequally distributed and segregated through state policy in pursuit of capital accumulation. 

Full paper download: 2.3.4 Hung-Jeng Tsai.pdf

In the face of an ageing era, many East Asian countries are confronted by the increasing demand of social care for the elderly and young children. Social care thus has become an integral component of the welfare states conceptualization. However, the discussion about care is complicated by the multi‐dimensional nature of the concept: 1) care is gendered labor; 2) the arrangement of care suggests a mixed economy that involves the family, state, market, and community; 3) care needs to be understood under an ethical/normative framework, characterized by responsibilities and obligations; 4) care concerns with simultaneously the physical and psychological well‐being of both the care‐givers and care‐receivers. The complexity of care renders the conventional welfare states analyses inadequate, and calls for a renewed analytic framework. This paper responds to the key issues of social care in the context of welfare states.
The paper sets out in the first section to bridge the welfare states conceptualizations and the literature on social care, indicating a shift toward the inclusion of social care in the analyses. It proceeds to engage in the "justice‐care" conversation that points to the ethical foundations of welfare states. Drawing on feminist traditions, the ethic of care challenges the paradigm of care provision in welfare states, and in collaboration with the ethic of justice, proposes "care regimes" that promote gender equality and insinuate care into social rights. The second half of the paper examines the elder care issues in the context of mainland China in light of the care regime conceptualization. The analysis exemplifies that the ethic of care and care regime can offer a renewed framework for understanding welfare states. This framework is particularly helpful in the developing contexts, where the conventional welfare states analyses that root in the history of western developed countries sometimes find their applications difficult.
In view of the rising trend of population ageing, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Government had launched a series of reforms in long term care for the elderly since 2000. While based on the guiding principles of "ageing in place" and "continuum of care", the reforms were essentially built on the idea of mixed economy of care. Instead of relying on state provision alone, it was suggested that the care of the elderly could be delivered by a variety of sources, including families, neighbors, voluntary, non-governmental and private sectors.
These long term care reforms included an emphasis on community care, the support to family carers, the increase in reliance on private sectoras service providers, the establishment of gate-keeping mechanismfor targeting service recipients, the promotion of accreditation system for residential homes, the introduction of competitive bidding in the selection of subsidized service operators, and the exploration of means-testing and the use of voucher in long term care.
The purpose of this paper is to critically examine these long term care reforms in Hong Kong in the past decade from 2000 to 2010. A qualitative approach is adopted which include literature review of policy documents,statistics and service data and academic researches, as well as interviews of informants. It is hoped that the analysis can shed light on the development of long term care policies in other East Asian societies experiencing population ageing.

Narrating Men's Problem from a Gender Perspective

While there is a substantial effort in promoting women services in Hong Kong in the last decade, men's service is still underdeveloped. This partly reflects that changing men is much more difficult than changing women, which is especially true under a strong patriarchal culture in Chinese societies such as Hong Kong. One of the strongest hindrances is the taken for granted belief that pursuing gender equality is women's business. To date, many social services agencies have started to provide services for men. However, many men's services and men's group only resort to pragmatism and common sense approach in response to men's problems which often stemmed from dominant patriarchal ideology.

The study attempts to understand men's problems from a gender perspective. To capture the complexities of the problems, we had employed both quantitative and qualitative methodologies to collect data via telephone interviews and in-depth interviews in this study. We have successfully telephone interviewed 547 adult men aged from 18 to 65 to understand their views on different sources of pressure including work, economic situations, family relationship, human relationship, personal development, health and social status. To further explore the perceptions and discourses of their problems, we had selected 10 respondents for in-depth interviews including lone father, male perpetuator of domestic violence, unemployed man, man with disability, ethnic minorities, sex worker, full-time carer, middle-class man and man on benefits. The study showed that most of the problems that respondents faced can be traced to the fixation of male gender role and the structure of gender practice dominating our society. By reframing men's problem from a gender perspective, we can open up new alternatives in solving men's problem and achieving gender equality in society.

Social rights in Korean welfare state have been exclusively associated with a person's capacity to perform paid work. Improvements in the labour market participation thus would allow women more access to benefits. The inclusion also, more importantly, depends on the rules and conditions under which social welfare benefits pay out. Since the economic crisis 97/98 in Korea, active welfare paradigm had run throughout Kim Dae Jung (1998-2002) and Rho Moo Hyun government (2003-2007). Consequently, it has changed the institutional arrangements of welfare provisions noticeably. This paper examines the extent to which the welfare settlements after the crisis in Korea are inclusive of women taking the case of pension reforms. As a background, it discusses socio-demographic changes with special attention to the impact of economic globalization on labour market and the demand for women's labour. In analyzing the social insurance policy reforms, we focus on the coverage, the entitlements and the level of benefits. This paper tentatively concludes that the emerged welfare arrangements will open more doors to women, but for women, the new welfare settlements are "exclusive".

Social Care Exclusion Among Elderly Groups in Taiwan

The number of elderly people in Taiwan has dramatically increased since the 1990s.  The suffering from social exclusion among those in these elderly groups can be traced and explored.  This study uses data from the three research-surveys from the "National Survey of Living Status of the Elderly", conducted by the Ministry of the Interior, in Taiwan, in 2002, 2005 and 2009. The questionnaire contained fourteen sections which represented different aspects of an elderly person's life - health condition, financial well-being and emotional/instrumental support, amongst others.  Questionnaires were slightly changed between three surveys; therefore, our analyses come from those items that have been kept for all three surveys.  Analyses of the health and social living status among these groups -- which include Fukiens and Hakka (which make up the majority population of Taiwan), veterans and their families, and indigenous peoples - were conducted.  Social exclusion in different periods were explored and revealed. Policies to combat various forms of anti-social care exclusion are suggested in the final section.

Full paper download: 4.3.2 Song-Lin Huang et al .pdf

In advanced industrial welfare democracies the demographic, social, and economic transformation entailed new social risks, which are insufficiently covered by the existing social protection schemes. This not only raised questions about the financial viability of existing welfare commitments and resulted in welfare retrenchment, but also contributed to "another" welfare expansion against new social risks mentioned above. In middle-income countries of Latin America, East Asia, and Eastern Europe that underwent epochal political and economic changes in the 1980s and 1990s, the democratization raised hopes that new democratic governments would be more attentive to social issues, while economic crisis and market reforms entailed serious social dislocations and raised questions about the sustainability of social spending and new welfare commitments in the face of severe fiscal constraints. Based on a theoretical approach integrating development approaches, political institutions and welfare legacies, this paper analyzes welfare restructuring in South Korea and Taiwan that experienced beyond the economic and political transformations old and new social risks in the last two decades. The welfare restructuring changed the logic and function of their social protection systems and made them as newly emerging welfare states. However, these two welfare democracies spend too many resources on old risks while not addressing the most pressing problems of post-industrial society, though in varying degrees. This will cast serious doubt on the continuity of the "growth with equity" which is of special importance for underpinning further welfare system adaptation to a profoundly altered economic and social context.

The aim of this paper is to explore the transformation of work-family balance policies in Taiwan in recent ten years. In response to the changes of circumstances in family structure, labour market, fertility pattern, and so on, the Taiwanese government has implemented a series of policy changes to facilitate work-family balance. These policies involve the restructuring of childcare responsibilitiesbetween the state, the family,and the market.

The focus of this paper will be on two policy areas: leave policies and Early Childhood Education and Care (ECEC) policies. The main issues which this paper attempts to address are the forms of changes in the two policy areas and the factors which lead to these changes. In terms of leave policies, this paper will review the enactment of Gender Equality in Employment Law and the implementation of parental leave benefit. It will compare the policy making processes of the two policies and analyse the factors which make them different.  In the area of ECEC policies, this paper willillustrate the development of ECEC policies in three policy dimensions: finance, regulation, and provision. Moreover, it will provide explanations on why thesepolicies show different levels of changes in the three dimensions.

This paper will explain policy changes through the perspectives of institutions and ideas. It aims to explore how previous policy framework, policy ideas and discourses, and the interaction between them affect the policy making. The findings of this paper would be helpful to understand the transformation of the Taiwanese welfare system and the process of welfare reform.

The term "Ant Tribe" (yizu), referring to low-income graduates who live together in shabby urban neighbourhoods, has become a media idiom in China since 2009. However, compared to other neologisms such as "Dwelling Narrowness" (woju), it takes on more policy implications in contemporary China. Lian Si, a Beijing young scholar who invented this term and launched three surveys on young graduates in seven cities of China, has successfully drawn the attention of the China government to college graduates. What lies behind it is an academic gaze, enabled by the administrative power, on an ambiguously defined group of people. This paper argues that the related surveys and analysis fail to provide a deep understanding of the dramatic changes in contemporary China. The academic, media and administrative discourses on "Ant Tribe" function as repressing a reflexive understanding of state power, class formation and urban restructuring in China over the past decade. This paper, inspired by Pierre Bourdieu's reflexive sociology, concludes with offering alternative strategies for rescuing reflexivity from the discourses centred around the term "Ant Tribe".
In the past, both indigenous social movements and the academia concerning indigenous rights seem to incline towards seeking the response from the legislative and administrative systems. However, since the occurrences of the "Movement of Fighting against Asia Cement Corporation" and other judicial cases in which indigenous people were involved, it has started to be realised that the judicial system plays a key role on how the society carries out the concept of multiculturalism. This article aims to extend the research field to the judicial system in Taiwan and takes a comprehensive view on the judicial controversies between tribes and nation over the land issues. This research emphasises on how the judicial system responds to the indigenous people reservation land controversies. The verdicts on indigenous people's reservation land include civil, criminal and administration cases. This study examines these verdicts from a "culture-welfare right" perspective, under which these verdicts will be intensely scrutinised not only on the policy level but on whether the judges possess multicultural ability.

When explaining public policy outcomes, preference is often given to structural factors, such as the population's demographic structure, the intrinsic logic of policy programs, and, most importantly, the level of economic development1. The drawback of such a one‐sided approach becomes evident when we look at social policy outcomes in East Asia, which can hardly be explained by structural factors. The current study, thus, suggests to take a more actor‐oriented perspective and analyzes social policy outcomes as the result of a policy process, in which actor groups with different policy preferences and perceptions negotiate with each other. In this perspective, increases in social welfare efforts by the State are seen as the consequence of successful advocacy and coalition building of actors who favor welfare state expansion. The focus of the study lies on the resources and constraints, which these actors face. In line with the study's conceptual framework, the Advocacy Coalition Framework, we expect to find that social welfare proponents are successful in reaching their objectives when political resources, such as available information on the policy issue, are rich, and political constraints, such as the nonaccessibility of decision‐making procedures, are limited.
The study is based on data drawn from expert interviews in three East Asian countries: South Korea, Thailand, and Indonesia. For each of the country, key social welfare reforms of the past 30 years were selected and potential stakeholders identified and interviewed. The results suggest that the winning formula for social welfare proponents is the successful coalition‐building between technical experts with a privileged access to information on one hand and civil society groups with their potential to mobilize the public on the other hand; in some decisive moments, they have been able to join forces with higher civil servants who had a more direct access to political decision‐making.
This paper intends to elaborate about transformation of welfare regime and social conflict in Indonesia. The paper is a part of my PhD thesis on welfare regime and social capital in Indonesia. It analyzes panel dataset, i.e. Indonesia Family Life Survey 3 and 4 as well as Governance and Decentralization Survey 2. It also explores primary data resulted from focus group discussions and in-depth interviews with 92 key persons that spreads over within three levels of analysis, i.e. national, district, and community. They are government officers, parliament members, NGO activists, and social leaders. The main argument of this paper is that there has been a transformation of welfare regime in Indonesia from a regime that mainly relies on one pillar i.e. the role of community to two pillars, namely the role of community and the role of the state. The transformation has been taken place since 1998 when the government of Indonesia initiated social safety net (SSN) programs as part of structural adjustment programs controlled by World Bank. The SSN programs were replaced by poverty reduction programs in 2005 and they have been implemented until know. When the role of the state in providing welfare benefits through SSN and poverty reduction programs has been growing, the significance of community in giving livelihood for people is also thriving. The programs which provide means tested welfare benefits however generate complicated social conflict. The conflict threatened social capital as an important part of the first pillar within welfare regime in Indonesia. This happens due to low quality of population data, high policy discretion, and clientelism.

Full paper download: 4.2.1 Mulyadi Sumarto.pdf

We prolong a comparative research about the Korean and Mexican welfare regimes. Mexico has reinforced the dualized character of its regime, with the construction of new institutions that serve to further embed the segmentation and stratification of the social security and social protection system, especially in health (new program to poor people) and pensions (non-contributory), and with the privatization of some aspects of the social security (contributory pensions with individual accounts). South Korea regime has been abandoning a residual system and can be placed in new characteristics: the institutionalization of universalism (health and pensions) and social rights (poverty), linked to limited markets and governed by public action (health), with declining familialization (but still socially strong), South Korea is clearly a hybrid case.
In this paper, we will analyze the relationship of welfare regimes and social actors. In particular, we will discuss the impacts of the democratization and the social coalitions in the two cases. We will take in account the institutional transformation in health, pensions and poverty from the 80's until recently. In one hand, in what extent the most important Korean and Mexico social coalitions, important foundations of the welfare regimes, influence these institutional transformations? And, in the other hand, in what extent the welfare modifications influence in the strength or deterioration of the social coalitions, or in the generation of new social coalitions?
The term of office of Donald Y. K. Tsang, the Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administration Region, will end in July 2012.  Over the past six years, the government's planning and implementation of social policies have received heavy criticisms from both the political parties and the public.  This has been particularly overwhelming after the release of the 2011/12 budget which angered the public heavily.  The public accused the government for being too passive and irresponsible to take care of the disadvantaged groups.  The social assistance measures introduced by the government are being seen popularly as short-term, piecemeal and unsustainable.  The Hong Kong government's financial reserve in December stood at close to HK$580 billion. It has had seven years of surplus in a row - an increase of more than HK$300 billion from the record low level of 2003-04.  To a certain extent, saving money is a prudent strategy and can keep the government finance healthy, but people suspect the government is not willing to commit itself into the long-term wellbeing of the population.  With such a large amount of monetary reserve, the government still refuses to launch some sustainable policies like a universal pension plan for the ageing population, and conduct structural reforms to the social welfare system.  This paper will give a comprehensive review of the development of social policy in Hong Kong in the past six years under the Tsang administration. Main topics to be covered in this paper are social security, elderly care and housing.  A particular focus will be put on the recent 2011/12 budget as a case study to study the Hong Kong government's mentality in planning and implementing social policy.

An interesting question in the discussion of welfare regime lies: which population group is the emphasis of welfare state? Widely recognized as productivist model, traditional East Asian welfare regime put expenditure of labour group, linked with human capital investment, as policy priority to maintain "produtivity". However, confronted with speeding ageing in this region, whether this expenditure logic sustain?

Based on this research question, a new approach of intergenerational cleavage, with Elderly/Non-elderly Spending Ratio(ENSR) adopted unprecedentedly as core indicator, is developed to evaluate East Asian welfare regime transformation. The assumptions lie: if the welfare expenditure is focusing on investment population group ( labour and children), productivist regime remains; Otherwise, I would claim that East Asian has stepped into post-productivist era.

Research results suggest: 1) East Asian welfare regime expands its coverage of social security system from class-specific occupations to the extended redistributive system; 2) Regime development deeply involves in the population discourse; 3) Imbalanced regional development is profoundly presented:  compared with Japan and Taiwan, which enter the post-productivist welfare regime, China and Malaysia still maintain the characteristic of welfare policy producvist. Further study of social security budget demonstrates that South Korea has transformed to post-productivist welfare regime to some extent.

The determinants for regional cleavage can be categorized into economic modernization, political democratization and aging. 1) Rapid economic growth enables resources allocation extending to non-productivity population. 2) Grey power significantly takes efforts. As bargaining chip to attract middle votes, political parties complete to provide greater benefits to old people. 3) Traditional East Asian welfare regime was 'reluctant' to respond to aging pressure, however, it is 'forced' to change the policy direction, as well as the whole regime.

Full paper download: 4.1.1 Xiaofang Wu.pdf

Purpose: Suicide has become a wide problem in Korean society. This study seeks to examine the influence of early onset of drinking and drinking problems on suicide ideation and attempt among Korean adolescents.
Methods: The 5th Korean Youth Health Risk Behavior Survey 2009, a nationwide dataset collected by the Korean Center for Disease Control, was used for analyses. The data contained a total of 75,066 adolescents between ages of 14 and 19.  
Results: The prevalence of early drinking onset (before age 13) was 16.6% and the problem drinking (defined as 2 or more points in the CRAFFT) among current drinkers was 40%. Among Korean adolescents, 19.1% reported suicidal ideation and 4.6% had attempted suicide. Youths who had began drinking before the age of 13 had higher risk of both having suicidal ideation and attempting suicide (Odds ratio=1.37, 1.45, respectively). Likewise, those identified as problem drinkers had higher risk of having suicidal ideation and having had attempted suicide after controlling for the covariates such as age, grade, economic situation, and depressive mood. The risk differed between male and female students.
Conclusion: An analysis of a large national representative sample of Korean adolescents confirmed previous research regarding the relationship between problematic alcohol behaviors and suicide thoughts and attempts. Intervention and prevention efforts for youth suicide should integrate risk factors such as alcohol problems and depressive thoughts. Further implications are discussed.

Full paper download: 3.4.3 Sulki_Chung_et_al.pdf  
Young carers are children and young people under the age of 18 who provide care to another family member who is suffering from a long-term illness or disability. Young carers experience a double jeopardy owing to their dual role as carers and as children. To date, studies in Taiwan on the issue of care-giving have largely concentrated on the situation of adult carers, female care-givers in particular. As such, little attention has been paid to the daily experiences of young carers. However, involvement in caring can have adverse influences on a child or young person's physical and emotional development. In addition, the impact of caring activities on young caregivers differs from that on adult carers. The caring tasks and experiences involved also distinguish young carers from other non-caring children and young people. These issues pose a challenge to the current welfare system: to what extent has state policy been in concordance with young carers' needs?
Drawing upon qualitative interviews with 22 children and young people who have had the experience of providing care to another family member, this article explores the everyday practices of young carers with regard to what it is like to be a carer, as well as examines their needs and the corresponding welfare strategies required. This research concludes by proposing some policy recommendations. Firstly, schools should be placed as essential points to identify young carers. Secondly, young carers should be able to exercise the right to ask for their needs to be assessed and fulfilled. Thirdly, the 'whole family' approach could be adopted when working with young carers. Fourthly, relevant organizations could address the needs of young carers and to coordinate each aspect of professional intervention. Finally, a further consideration is required to form the scope of young carers.

Health policy amongst care workers in 3 countries: Japan, Korea and UK

The socialization of care is the main aim of the Japanese long-term care insurance system. In order for this system to be sustainable, it is essential to ensure stable social care services and improve the quality of social care.
There are currently about 1.3 million care workers in Japan, and it is estimated that between 2.12 and 2.55 million will be required by 2025. Acquiring human resources is an important issue under current policy reforms which address three main issues: 1) improving the work environment and health care of care workers; 2) human resource development and career improvement; 3) the implementation of medical care in some areas amongst care workers.
In South Korea, where a long-term care insurance system for the elderly began in 2008, improvements in health and reductions in the burden of family care can be found; however, according to a recent survey, staff turnover is increasing. There are three possible reasons for this: low ratings for care work as a profession; the physical and psychological burdens; and the work environment. As a consequence, interest in environmental improvement for care workers is likely to be insufficient.
Compared with UK, where socialization of care is popular, health and safety regulations for care workers function to prevent possible health problems in the workplace. UK's policies aim to ensure employee's safety through education and policy initiatives. These experiences should provide valuable insights from an industrial health and safety viewpoint
In this study, the development of human resource policies is reviewed, set against the experiences of care workers in Japan, Korea and UK. 
We hope that a comparative approach will stimulate discussion on how East Asian countries can improve care worker's health and safety and human development policies related to their workplace environment.

Full paper download: 3.5.1 Agenosono Yoshiko et al.pdf

Since the government of Taiwan has addressed the need to pursue excellence in quality through building world-class universities in the 2000s, it started to restructure its higher education system through the policies of role differentiation and funding concentration. This development has led to the formulation of a differentiated academic system in which a small number of higher education institutions are selected to be research-oriented, internationally-focused universities that have been assigned to pursue world-class excellence and have received a large amount of research funding. Meanwhile, the majority of the higher education sector is identified to be teaching-oriented and locally-focused, and therefore need to survive in a more competitive environment without sufficient government funding.
The purpose of this paper is to investigate the presence of educational inequality caused by the above phenomenon in Taiwan. It argues that the emergence of performativity culture and role differentiation in the internationalised and marketised environment has brought a new form of inequality in Taiwan's higher education, as many universities in lower tiers are underfunded under the current uneven pattern of funding. This means that students in these universities and their families have to bear heavier financial burden of education. This leads to reflections on the development of higher education policy after the accomplishment of massification of higher education coupled with increased privatization in relatively wealthy East Asian societies.
The 'right to housing' incorporates at least five different dimensions which are all indispensible for the minimum satisfaction of such right, namely, 1) the 'right to adequate housing'; (2) the 'right to affordable housing'; (3) the 'right to enjoy' one's housing without arbitrary interference; (4) freedom from the threat of arbitrary forced eviction (5) the 'right of choice' in relation to: 5a) the decision to rent or home-ownership; 5b) the neighourhood one is to live in accordance with needs, preferences and lifestyle (Yung, forthcoming).  'Equal right to housing' essentially means equal opportunity or non-discrimination in the fulfillment of different dimensions of 'right to housing'.  For those with economic means, different dimensions of their 'right to housing' are largely satisfied in Hong Kong, however, this may not be the case for those from the lower socio-economic strata.  The situation is even more grave and alarming for members of disadvantaged groups from the latter who are thus doubly deprived.  This paper will examine the views on 'equal right to housing' in Hong Kong housing policy from four disadvantaged groups, namely, single-parent families, ethnic minorities, homosexuals and Mainland New Arrivals by drawing on information from in-depth interviews with members of these groups, representatives of organizations serving these disadvantaged groups, property sector practitioners, Equal Opportunity representative as well as members of the general public.  On the whole, those from these disadvantaged groups, especially those from the lower socio-economic strata, may not enjoy equal opportunity to have their different dimensions of 'right to housing' satisfied in Hong Kong, mainly due to discriminatory selection of tenants, on the part of private landlords as well as their limited economic means which may be, to some extent, magnified by some biased practices in public housing policy.  This paper will also examine some of policy implications of these research findings.

Full paper download: 3.4.2 Betty Yung et al.pdf

This article contributes to the debate about market transition and specifically to the questions of whether privileged elites are able to keep their advantages by adjustment to market reform or whether the private sector is drawn from a new social class. It examines the key factors affecting migrant workers' income and housing conditions in Dongguan, in order to further our understanding of migrant workers' characteristics and economic improvement in the post-1978 manufacturing boom. It is argued that differences in access to social resources between different types of household continue to be the main divisions affecting migrant workers' income and housing. Survey data from five factories in Dongguan are used to show that the household registration system has a major influence on migrants' education level which has direct and significant effects on personal income levels and housing conditions.

Full paper download: 3.4.1 Fengshuo CHANG.pdf

The purpose of this study is to suggest a new method for exploring the East-Asian welfare regime focused on the welfare-labor nexus. The key variables are earning dispersion, strictness of employment protection, and social expenditures. The research methods are as follows. First, each variable will be converted into qualitative variables to overcome the limit of quantitative data in comparing countries by using fsQCA method. Second, ideal type analysis using converted qualitative variable will be attempted to explore the East-Asian welfare regime different from the Western one. This will help not only understand the time-series change process of each welfare state based on welfare and labor but also get new insight of the East-Asian welfare states.

Full paper download: 3.3.3 Kyo-Seong Kim.pdf

Self-sufficiency has been one of the longstanding moral beliefs in East Asian societies. Without relying on formal institutions, economic self-reliance has been regarded as 'most desirable' in terms of meeting individual welfare needs. Accordingly, it is not surprising that the role of informal institutions such as family and community has played a significant role in providing welfare since the pre-industrial period. In the phase of industrialization, the notion of self-sufficiency was even strengthened due to the idea of developmentalism associated with the Confucian tradition. The thesis of productivist welfare capitalism representing growth-oriented paradigm with low welfare efforts by governments (Holliday 2000) can explain the persistent importance of self-sufficiency in East Asian societies.

While it is true that self-sufficiency is still an important underlying logic, it seems that rapid socio-economic changes have brought the old concept of self-sufficiency to an end. The old concept, though hardly systematically studied, is largely based on male-breadwinner model with special attention to employment and education. In other words, the unit of self-sufficiency has been, more often than not, a family sustained by men's labor. However, a number of newly emerging factors undermines the old type of self-sufficiency; post-industrializing industrial structure, ageing, increasing women's labor market participation, destabilizing full-employment labor market with life-long employment practice, and weakening family solidarity. In this context, this paper aims to recalibrate the concept of 'self-sufficiency' in post-industrializing East Asian welfare regimes. More specifically, while self-sufficiency is without losing productive components, the paper will argue that its scope should be extended further from employment and education to five sub-concepts; employment, education, childcare, disability, and minimum livelihood. In addition to proposing a set of key indicators for self-sufficiency, it will demonstrate how useful the new concept of self-sufficiency is for understanding changing East Asian societies.

Poverty dynamics and Institutional Change in Urban China

This paper employs a qualitative longitudinal methodology and a dynamic approach to the study of urban poverty in China. While new urban poverty emerging in the context of the state-owned enterprise (SOE) reforms and intensifying globalisation has gained increasing prominence on the academic and policy agendas both within and outside China since the mid-1990s, much less attention has been paid to the dynamics of the phenomenon in the sense of (a) individuals and families falling into or escaping from poverty over time; and (b) the possibility of poverty transmission across generations, or inter-generational poverty and upward/downward social mobility. By examining these aspects of the poverty dynamics, and the complex institutional contributing factors, the paper seeks to explore fresh theoretical explanations and methodological approaches to the study of poverty and inequality in China. It also hopes to contribute to the growing body of research in the field and relevant academic and policy debates in China and beyond.
The paper draws on a longitudinal investigation carried out by the two authors during the first decade of the 2000s against a highly fluid backdrop of drastic and rapid economic and societal change. The primary data were collected in (1) fieldwork conducted between 2002-4 by one author, who carried out extensive qualitative interviews with nine families receiving low-income benefits, or dibao in two urban communities in the northern city of Tianjin; and (2) a follow-up fieldwork conducted in late 2008 by the other author, who traced and intensively interviewed seven out of the original nine poor families, none of which was on benefit any more. The timing of the first investigation was coincided with the systematic rolling-out of the dibao scheme in Tianjin in the wake of massive layoffs casued the SOE restructuring in the city, and the consequent exacerbated unemployment, poverty, and increased social risks and insecurity among the urban residents. The second investigation six years later witnessed the most intensive social policy interventions by the central and local state, and through community actions in the midst of a severe global financial crisis and its looming impact on Chinese economy and society.
The qualitative research methods, including observations, unstructured interviews, and home and community visits combined with the longitudinal approach of the follow-up research after a six-year interval allow us to gain insights into the perspectives of the new urban poor in respect of the meanings and lived experiences of falling into poverty through losing one's job in the post-reform era in contrast to the earlier experiences of meanings and identities associated with work. The nature of the data that we collected both in great depth and across time in the same field sites offers the opportunity to deepen our understanding of how the new urban poor negotiate and deal with rapid economic change and social transformations - forces that are well beyond individuals' control, and the accompanied insecurity and social risks in their daily livelihood struggles. It helps illuminate the micro-social processes in their full contextual complexities, as reflected in individual life histories and experiences, and their relations to the larger macro-level forces. Through employing the dynamic approach to the analysis of the longitudinal data, the paper also aims to shed light on the workings of institutions and individual agency in shaping social mobility across generations.
Despite the increasing number of immigrant wives who have immigrated to Korea to marry Korean men, little is known about integration service utilization regarding this population.  Therefore, this article investigates factors that influence the utilization pattern of integration services among immigrant wives confronting myriads of problems related to adaptation to Korea.  The study analyzed data (N = 1,063) from the Marriage-Based Immigrants and Their Families in Korea: Current Status and Policy Measures conducted by the Minister of Health & Welfare in 2006.
This paper used hierarchical logistic regression analysis method based upon a modified Andersen behavioral model which categorized independent variables in need, enabling, and predisposing domains. The study found both the need of service users toward integration service and enabling factors were much more significantly explainable compared to predisposing factors. Thus, immigrant wives accessed integration service when having needs toward Korean culture and conflicts with their husbands. Also, they used the service when meeting financial difficulty and insufficient social networks in Korea. However, such utilization pattern of integration service among immigrant wives was different from their ethnic backgrounds.
These findings suggested that the government should conduct need assessment research as a prerequisite condition for service provision. Additionally, the government needs to develop mandatory Korean language class, as well as encouraging compulsory counselling for their families. More effort needs to be done on promoting advertisement activities so that the immigrant wives have more accessibility to immigrant services. As for the service organizations in the front line, social workers need to consider flexible service provision according to ethnic backgrounds. It is believed that the suggestions encourage immigrant wives to access integration service; moreover, the Korean societies' uncertainty related to integration of these women is reduced via the improved accessibility to integration service.

Full paper download: 3.2.2 MinChul Hwang.pdf

Since the Republic of Korea (South Korea) ratified Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees (the Refugee Conventions) in 1992, there has been almost no implementation of the international standards until the country recognised the first refugee in 2001. Over the last decade, however, there has been some improvement in the government's refugee policies, that is in line with the significant changes of general immigration policies in response to the dramatically increased number of foreign residents including refugees.
It is controversial what is the scope of the States' responsibility in relation with the promotion and protection of foreigners' rights in general, in particular their economic and social rights. The case of refugees is, however, rather clear in the sense that the Refugee Conventions clearly provide the scope and level of entitlement of refugees' rights in comparison with the national or other foreigners. The Constitution of South Korea stipulates that "the status of aliens will be guaranteed as prescribed by international law and treaties" and that "treaties duly concluded and promulgated under the Constitution ... shall have the same effect as the domestic laws." Thus, the government of South Korea has the obligation to protect the status and rights of refugees in accordance with international standards and its own Constitution.
The laws and policies on refugees (and on foreigners in general) have developed in the way that government provides various "supports" to address the need of foreigners including refugees. The provision of "support", however, does not mean that the government recognised its obligation to the "rights" of foreigners. This paper discusses the gap between South Korean government's policies on foreigners and the related international standards with particular focus on economic and social rights of refugees.
Quantitative comparative research, particularly in the form of pooled time series cross-sectional regression, has been scrutinized ever since it first contributed to the comparative analysis of social policies. Thereby, model specifications and indicator operationalizations have largely been influenced by in-depth studies representing small samples of European cases. As data quality and availability for Asian countries is improving, there is an immediate temptation to ease the 'small-N problem' of quantitative comparative research by expanding country samples. Equally, there is a temptation for researchers to revert to well-established dependent and independent variables in the Western literature to explore Asian countries. This paper critically assesses the limitations of both approaches. It will do so by tracing the qualitative origins of the most important theoretical traditions accounting for the development and change of national social policies in Western context. Utilizing regression diagnostics, we highlight changes in the explanatory power of quantitative models and identify multivariate outliers for country samples with increasing diversity. Thus, we show traditional Western theories and indicators of social policy development, on their own, are hardly able to represent the development trajectories of Asian countries. We call, therefore, for a new and independent surge of in-depth case studies of Asian countries to inform a new round of more comprehensive, truly comparative, deductive research in the future.

Many Asian countries and cities have experienced rapid economic growth since the 1990s and at the same time have to face increasing economic crisis such as the Asian financial crisis in the late 1990s and global financial tsunami in 2008/09. This creates rising demand on social welfare and increasing grievances among the citizens. Many of these states tend to resort to ad hoc welfare strategies such as handing out short-term and piecemeal cash subsidies to their citizens, reduction of salary tax, waive of property rate and tax, consumption voucher, and health care voucher. This can be termed 'flexible welfare strategy', which is becoming common in Asian societies such as Macao, Hong Kong, and Taiwan.

This paper points out that this strategies of flexibilization of welfare is not a new innovation, but an extension of 'flexible accumulation' strategy (David Harvey). Flexible accumulation has led to casualization of work and over-exploitation of workers. Similarly, flexible welfare strategy is unlikely to meet the long term needs of the citizens. This paper argues that flexible welfare strategy is ineffective in solving social problems we are facing today. At best, it is only a pain killer that pacifies grievances of the citizens temporarily. However, this is wasting resources, expensive, unsustainable, and lack of long term effect. Moreover, this contributes to reinforcing social inequalities, widening the gap between the rich and the poor; and may reinforce discrimination against new immigrants and ethnic minorities. This paper calls for a thorough evaluation of this 'flexible welfare strategy' and develop more appropriate welfare strategy to face the age of uncertainty.

Taiwan has experienced the structural change in labor market after 1996 due to the intensified globalization and deindustrialization trend in general, and the increasing outflow FDI investment in China in particular. The unemployment rate has increased above 2% since 1996 and reached around 5% in 2002 and 2009 respectively. A series of policy measurements have been adopted to address the unemployment problems: the legislation of Unemployment Insurance Act (2002), The Act for Protecting the Massive Laid-Off Workers (2005), Projects for Sustainable Job Creation (2002-), Wage Subsidy Programs (2003-2010), Decentralizing Work Training Programs (2000).

The above mentioned programs focused on unemployed workers. Most of the target groups are male aged workers (50-65), which are specified as 'old-risks'affected groups. However, new groups also emerge during the industrial reconstruction process: the lone parents, youth workers and disabled workers. They are categorized as the affected groups of 'new risks'. After 2008 financial crisis, it seems these groups have become the focal groups of Taiwan's active labor market policy (ALMP). The policy considerations are more related to the so called 'social investment' strategy and linked to the consideration of adapting to knowledge-based post-industrial economy.

The economic development model of Taiwan had been characteristic with 'growth with equity' and enjoyed low unemployment rate with hyper-growth during 70's-80's. However, the structural change and challenges from globalization and deindustrialization pose huge challenges to the labor market in Taiwan. This paper aims to evaluate the policy outcomes of the policy measurements since 2000 for addressing the problem of working poor. Comparing with other East-Asian countries, the characteristics of Taiwan's work-welfare governing system and its nexus will also be examined in the final discussion.

Korea has been experiencing the problems of employmentand poverty against the backdrop of globalization. The 1990s wasa turning point for Korea in terms of economic and welfare policies.Since the 1990s the GDP growth rate of Korea has been decreasing, and the global economic crisis pulled downthe growth rate to a negative one.Korea searched for a new way of adjustment in both economic and welfare policies, and employed social policiesas instruments for the economic recovery, in particular, their labour markets. Consequently, Korea has started to examine how to link welfare and labour market policies.

The efforts were not only for extending social protection itself but also forseeking ways to link welfare policies with labour market policies, active labour market policy (ALMP).Employment Insurance and the National Basic Livelihood Security system arethe cases in which the government sought to link welfare and labour marketpolicies.Employment insurance consists of four programmes: an employment stabilizationprogramme, a job skill development programme, unemployment benefitsand maternity and parental leave benefits.While Employment Insurance is designed only for the unemployed whohave paid work experience, the National Basic Livelihood Security systemis for the vulnerable group generally. It basically assists those who make lessthan the minimum cost of living, but it also works as an inducement to makethem participate in or return to the labour market. Thus, the National BasicLivelihood Security scheme is complementary to the Employment Insurancescheme.

In this article, we examine the characteristics of the link between welfarepolicy and labour market policy in Korea, and review the development of ALMPs of Korea since the late 1990s. New strategies reflect the characteristics of the existingwelfare and labour market policies, and simultaneously show the possibility ofinstitutional innovation.Thus, the analysis of the link betweenwelfare and labour market policies in will provide a startingpoint to understand how seek to deal with the problems ofsocial protection and job provision within the existing institutional frameworkof welfare and labour market policies, and enable us to examine the futuredirection of the development of the welfare policies in Korea.

Hong Kong has been quoted as the most liberal economy and also a model of residual welfare. As commonly conceived, the social and economic system is characterized by a free market and low level of public intervention, with heavier emphasis on self-reliance through engaging in economic activities - work. Simultaneously, the social protection system was a social assistance scheme - Comprehensive Social Security Assistance (CSSA) - serving as a safety net for those who cannot support themselves through work or other means of living.

While work - signifying the virtue of self-reliance - has been the core of Chinese society as well theHong Kong society, stable and continuous work has been a concern early 1990s resulted from massive relocation of local capital, especially manufacturing industries to Mainland leading to displacement of labor force. Investment in employee retraining programmes was adopted in early 1990s as the earliest form of Active Labor Market Policy (ALMP). With deepening concern in the increasing reliance on social assistance after the Asian financial crisis, the workfare programme - Support for Self-Reliance Scheme - was adopted in 1999 to motivate those claimants back to work. Since 2000s, a greater variety of ALMP has been introduced, covering more target groups, aiming at sustaining or improving the persons' employability and pushing those social assistance claimants back to work. 

This paper provides a review of the development of ALMPs in Hong Kong since late 1990s. The scale was in line with the severity of consecutive economic crises and the political pressure resulted. While with greater emphasis (and hence cultural approval) on work, condemnation on those able-bodied social assistance claimants has been intensified. Nevertheless, review shows that the scale of social assistance scheme has not been trimmed down, and the expense on ALMP programme is still relatively small. This, on one hand, shows that passive labor market policy - social assistance - cannot be trimmed down easily given the worsening economic conditions with disproportionate impacts on those vulnerable labor groups; and on another hand, the limited scale of the ALMP.

China's labour market experiences a massive change in recent years. From early 1980s to late 1990s, this country was reported with an unlimited supply of surplus labour, majorly from the rural regions. While the protests of the state owned enterprises (SOEs) laid-off workers had forced the government to introduce a retraining scheme for the urban citizens in 1990s, active policy to promote employment for the rural-urban migrant workers is minimal. In the recent years, however, this policy direction has experienced a gradual change, due to the pressure from a new phenomenon of 'shortage of labour' (min gong huang), unstable employment relationship and the raising labour cost in China. With the introduction of a number of new regulations, for examples, Labour Contact Law and Employment Promotion Law in 2008 and Social Insurance Law in 20011, the government has increasingly intervened into the labour market.

While all of these new legislations have strengthened the labour protections by guaranteeing workers rights with economic and social rights, its implementations have also created new problems. Labour Contract Law attempts to regulate employment relations and stabilize the labour market by promoting permanent contract, but it also gives loopholes for the employers to use dispatched labour. The Employment Promotion Law urges for local initiative for skill training and job searching service, but it gives rise to a new abuse of the massive usage of student interns for lowering the labour costs. As for the Social Insurance Law, it aims to provide a framework for the social protection for all of the population, essentially covering the migrant workers. However, its enforcement in the local context is still uncertain.

This article, one the one hand, provides a sociological account for the development of the Active Labor Market Policy (ALMP) in China; on the other hand, it provides a critical evaluation for the policy with empirical evidences.

Recent years have seen a range of studies emerging to reflect on growth and development in later period of life despite increased experience of the "new risks," the risks that were not seriously considered in the past. These include limited familial support due to non-existence of extended families, rising proportion of dual-income families, increased number of disruptive family events such as an adult child's addiction, incarceration, or death (Goodman, 2003; Waldrop & Weber, 2001), and lengthened life expectancy.

This study is particularly interested in the well-beings of grandparents who provide child care to their grandchildren and describes how the grandparents' life satisfaction levels differ according to their age groups. The circumstances faced by grandparents who voluntarily or involuntarily become caregivers for their grandchildren are complex. Since successful feelings of well-being in old age are considered to be important (Neuhaus & Neuhaus, 1982) in this rapidly growing aging society, we are determined to investigate the potential strain as well as personal growth and enrichment of this vulnerable population in rearing grandchildren.

Previous studies were either studies based on small non-representative samples (Jendrek, 1993; Kelch-Oliver, 2011; Waldrop & Weber, 2001) or focused on a specific diagnosis as an outcome of care experience (Minkler, et al., 1997). The analyses of this study rely on panel data from the Korean Longitudinal Study of Ageing (KLoSA), Waves 1 and 2 that were collected in 2006 and 2008. The survey was conducted in households with respondents who were 45-year-old and older in Korea. Life satisfaction was measured using a combination of subjective life satisfaction questions in regards to relationships, economic status, leisure, and health. Multiple regression analysis is used to identify the effects of child care responsibility on grandparents' psychological well-being and life satisfaction between age groups.

It is an undeniable fact that well-being of the new generation for the 21st century has experienced significant changes and the children are living in increasingly diverse society nowadays. More specifically, Chinese families put more emphasis on market-oriented development and free competition in transitional China. Given China's one-child policy, parents try their best to let their children attend learning and social activities so as to be well-equipped for children's future development. The opportunity cost of the competition oriented programs is that children have less time to play together and learn appropriate social skills that will accurate social capital but it takes time and effort to accumulate. Previous studies highlighted variation of social capital accrued among child and adolescents in China by their socioeconomic background, household registration status (i.e. hukou status), and gender; and its impacts on their future development. However, there is little knowledge of social capital building among primary children with different socioeconomic and demographic characteristics in transitional China. This paper uses the concept of social capital to frame the analysis of (i) the extent to which variations in family and school social capital can be explained by child's differing socioeconomic and demographic background and school characteristics; and (ii) the extent to which family and school social capital in combination may be associated with variations in child subjective well-being in Shenzhen, where stands in the forefront of economic development in Guangdong province, China and its experiences learnt may inform the rest of the country. Survey data with a random sample of 1,306 sixth grade primary school children and their parents was collected from the Nanshan district in Shenzhen. The results suggested that gender, the only-child status at home and hukou status had impacts on family and school social capital accrued among primary school children in Shenzhen. There were also links between child's perception of connectedness to their parents, peers, and teachers, and their positive child subjective well-being.
The magnitude of 15 million domestic care workers in China today has attracted great attention from the government, researchers and other social actors. However, existing researches mainly focus on the different types of relationship between domestic care workers and employers as a unity. Few of them have noticed the gender difference between male employer and female employer in the families. This research is to fill this gap by exploring the different interactions between domestic care workers and male employers and female employers. The interaction is framed into a 'Domestic care work triangle' theoretical model. Four aspects of interaction including interaction depth, frequency, content, length are analyzed in each pair of the interaction. The research has adopted a qualitative method and collected in-depth interview data from 30 domestic care workers who are working in families with employers having various social-economic backgrounds in Beijing. The findings suggest that the interactions between domestic care workers and male employer and female employer are quite different in each of the four analytical aspects. The paper finds that though female employers are free from dirty house work including washing and cooking etc, they are still involved in other domestic work to beautify themselves to be a good wife and good mother. The nature of domestic work in this research is then reconceptualized to include both 'dirty' house work and 'beautifying' work. The research also finds that kids in the families are buffers to alleviate the conflicts between domestic care workers and employers. The research has gender implications as it finds that the ignorance of male and female employers has blurred the gender inequality in domestic work field. The research is also expected to contribute to the area of social policy on family issues.
There is a totally public state regime in China after 1949, which means that all kinds of providers, heavy industry, light industry, social welfare service and so on, are state-owned organizations. How public sector transfers is an inevitable crossroad for social service reform in China.
Taking public health service in China as an example, this research answers how the public healthcare provision system in China turns out to be a plural structure, which is a common approach of social welfare provision in west developed industry countries. Policy documents are used to study the effect of government intervention on public hospitals, and the interaction of government and public hospitals.
Findings suggest: (1) government encourages public provider service to provide more new service items, even including comfortable and expensive hospitalization; (2) government allows public hospitals to take commercial investment, which transits public organizations into public-private joint-stock enterprises in nature. Public sector only keeps nominal public property-right. In the new century, there is a new stage of public sector reform by a reverse transformation. Government emphasis social responsibility of public sector and encourage private providers growing up to meet the non primary healthcare demand.
The devious road of public sector reform in China is an extension of China's reform of its social welfare provision system. The above findings provide evidences on the responsibility of government and public sector regulation in social welfare services. It is important reference for decision-makers in the new round of public service reform in the coming future.

Full paper download: 2.3.3 Wen Feng.pdf

Healthcare has been put at the top of the agenda and a primary political, economic and social issue in many countries. It has been a focus of international concern especially in the post-1975 era when welfare states worldwide entered into the era of retrenchment. In the aspect of healthcare, governments have been facing a dilemma over healthcare financing: how to improve the health status of the population and deliver better medical services while containing the growth in healthcare spending caused by ageing population, higher user expectations, and rising medical costs.

With the financial sustainability of the healthcare system being questioned, the Hong Kong government has been releasing a number of public consultation documents on healthcare financing reform and a discussion paper: Towards Better Health (1993), Improving Hong Kong's Health Care System: Why and For Whom? (1999), The Lifelong Investment in Health (2000), Building a Healthy Tomorrow (discussion paper) (2005), Your Health, Your Life (2008), and My Health, My Choice (2010). However, none of the financing options proposed before 2008 has gained majority support. The consultation exercise on the option of voluntary health insurance proposed in 2010 ended in January 2011 and the government is collating and analyzing the views gathered from consultation. This study will use the theory of historical institutionalism to examine how institutions, together with multiple internal and external factors or being taken place inside particular political, economic, social and cultural contexts in Hong Kong structure interactions that generate distinctive national trajectory of healthcare financing policy over time. It will also examine how the case study of Hong Kong contributes to the theory of historical institutionalism and welfare regimes. 

Full paper download: 2.3.1 Sabrina Ching Yuen Luk.pdf

The concept of successful aging within the community life and care for the elders is a subject. It's also an important view that the role of local community organizations and what characteristics should possess in the successful aging promotion.
The study combine natural observation and interview to investigate the concept of successful aging in Chuang-Rong community providing community care for the elders from 2003 to 2011 and the elder residents how to maintain their behavior. The study examines the three major components of successful aging proposed by Rowe and Kahn (1998): attendance environment continuity, activity space multiplicity, and life-arena interactive to analyze characteristics should possess in community organizations promotion of successful aging.
Study results showed that nine characteristics of community organizations health-care promotion: to provide life insurance and activity space for elders, to construct barrier-free environment, to establish a secure connection system, to encourage community elder residents to exercise, to make the opportunities for elders to maintain their cognition and be more creative, to build supporting care programs of basic physical checkup and referral, to inspire elders to learn and discuss, to improve interpersonal and intergenerational relationships for elders, and to promote volunteer service mechanisms within the community organization.
In conclusion, according to these characteristics of Chuang-Rong community, the concept of successful aging is not just an idea, but a lifestyle for elders. And it can make a great life quality in their remaining years.

Full paper download: 2.2.4 Meng-Shan Wu et al.pdf

Pension analysts have long observed that the mandatory savings public pensions in Hong Kong and Singapore may not generate adequate retirement incomes. But living arrangements and intergenerational transfers are stronger determinants of old-age income security in these populations. This study examines the extent of reliance on adult children by combining analyses of elderly income and family support for the first time, based on datasets from the Hong Kong census studies (1996, 2006) and Singapore's National Survey of Senior Citizens (1995, 2005). The analysis reveals a wide income gap between the 65+ age group and younger people. Public pensions were not a major source of retirement income. Instead, old-age income security was boosted by intergenerational co-residence. Among elderly people who lived with their adult children in Hong Kong, 32% had equivalised household incomes below 60% of the median for adults, compared to 79% among those who did not live with their children. Similarly, just 3% of Singaporean seniors cited public pensions as their top income source, whereas about 60% reported that they depended mainly on their children. The protective function of family support was more pronounced for women and individuals with lower incomes. Elderly persons from the lower individual income bands in Singapore were more likely to co-reside with their children and depend on them for financial support. In Hong Kong, the median individual income of elderly persons who lived with their children is 28% that of persons who did not. Declining co-residence in both societies therefore signals a risk to old-age income security, especially for women and low earners, as reflected in the rising relative poverty rate of elderly persons in Hong Kong. Pension policymaking has not directly addressed this risk so far and needs to focus on exchanges within the family.

Full paper download: 2.2.3 Ng_Kok_Hoe.pdf

Partnership is one of the means whereby policy of long-term care of older people can be implemented. This paper based on a qualitative cross-national research (England, the Netherlands and Taiwan).  So far, according to the research published (Chen, 2007, 2008 and 2010), the bottom line of long-term care - the fulfilment of older people's basic needs - has been addressed in all three countries studied.  However, the needs of older people required to be addressed for better quality of life  - social inclusion, power and autonomy - have been met in the Netherlands, followed by Taiwan but less so in England.  Fragmented care was a matter of concern in England and Taiwan and to some degree, the Netherlands.  This suggests that partnership in the care system should be recognised as a vital component if good quality of long-term care is to be promoted.  Although partnership is not an entirely new phenomenon; there is as yet no widely accepted model in operation.  This paper outlines the approaches that each country has adopted and the difficulties that they were facing. 

Partnership in this study is used in the sense of "cooperation", to see whether relevant actors - at national, county and municipal level (a total of 143 participants interviewed) - were sharing the same goals, whether they communicated well with each other and whether they were working together with the service users.  To begin with, within each country there must be shared understandings and goals for partnership to work.  This paper first explores these goals at the policy level and then moves on to examine partnership horizontally (strategically and operationally) and vertically.  Through horizontal and vertical analysis, this paper identified how and whether partnership in each country studied can achieve better joint-working structures to fulfil the policy intention of providing a seamless long-term care service.

Full paper download: 2.2.2 Henglien Lisa Chen.pdf

Foreign home helpers (FHH) make changes for caring the aged in East Asia, not least when an outsider becomes an insider under the same roof. Home-helping becomes a transnational social policy issue: over 230,000 FHH are working in Kong Kong, whilst Taiwan employs around 150,000 FHH to serve the frail aged; Japan experiments it too. A new regime of transnational care is possible as flexible labour regime and income differentials in East Asia enable FHH to take care of the elderly -- due to (female) labour shortage and the preferred caring for the elderly at home; the import of guest nursing/domestic helpers becomes an attractive policy options in some Asian societies. It is also an extended form of filial piety subcontracting that FHH serve the aged 24-hour as they live-in, paralleling the 24-hour global production regime under globalization! Socio-culturally, the "outsourcing" and "sub-contracting" of the traditional custom, filial piety (FP, respect and taking care of the seniors), confirms the change of home care regime in 21st Century. FHH are the main carriers for the (withering) cultural virtue of FP, yet they are the manifestation of the contradictions in hyper-modernizing Asia: as migrant workers, they are at best a nomadic sub-class in terms of social citizenship following T.H.Marshall's evolutionary conceptualization on social citizenship from the political and civil ones. But the demand for guest workers' FP-compatible job performance is contradictory to the nomadic social (sub-)citizenship (of minimal social inclusion) - FHH are both outsiders and insiders for the socio-cultural norms (filial piety) making! Examining the implications of a flexible labour regime for caring ageing society and the emergence of new, nomadic, sub-classes of social citizenship and temporal residency, in a globalizing world, this paper provides illustrations from East Asia to highlight the contradictions of transnational regime of home helping.

Full paper download: 2.2.1 On-Kwok Lai.pdf

Policy transfer features prominently in the policy analysis literature, yet relatively little is known about how government officials seek to learn lessons in practice. This research, based on interviews with officials in government institutes in South Korea who were involved in a series of study visits to the United Kingdom, addresses this knowledge gap using Evans and Davies' policy transfer network model. We suggest refinements to their model and conclude that there are significant barriers to policy transfer, that cross-national lesson drawing activities rarely leads directly to policy change but is a valuable part of ongoing processes of policy learning.

Full paper download: 2.1.4 Hudson & Kim.pdf

This paper examines the historical trajectories of welfare state development in two of the institutional patterns identified in the literature as 'social protection by other means': Australia and Japan. Over time, the forces of economic liberalisation have undermined the institutional foundation of 'social protection by other means' in these countries. Social policy has increasingly become subsumed under economic policy and this subordinate nature of social policy to economic considerations effectively ended the Australia's wage earners' welfare state and the Japanese employment security regime. However, while both Australia and Japan have followed a similar neoliberal path in their social policy reform direction, the forms and patterns they have taken to follow are not in uniform against the forces of economic liberalisation. I argue here that Australia has undergone a process of 'diversification' in its reshaping efforts of welfare state structure. In Japan, by contrast, more conventional forms of welfare state deepening and expansion have emerged. Also, while Australia's financial commitment stayed intact, Japan increased its level of financial commitment to a great extent.  All in all, while both countries have been restructuring their welfare reforms towards more market accommodating directions, the institutional dynamics underpinning each have led to a divergent pattern in the reform of social policy.
Forced by an ageing population, changing horizons of cultural references and decreasing trust in future welfare rights new strata of cultural, political and social identities are emerging. These new strata are based on the shared political, cultural, economic and social pressures and experiences of each generation, giving rise to the Social Generation as a new centre of identification. The basic hypothesis of this project is that the rise of social generations as categories of meaning, identification and centre of alliances and antagonisms will be one of the defining characteristics in the coming years. What is suggested is that the concept of social generation is added on to the list of traditionally important concepts of class, gender and ethnicity. It is not suggested that generation should substitute for these classical concepts; rather they should be supplemented by it. This will be explored empirically through a comparison of the distribution of elderly care in East Asia and Scandinavia by focusing on what is the distribution of care for the elderly among state, market and civil society (families and NGOs) with a view to generations? In a Chinese context this is investigating the consequences of the family planning policy inaugurated in 1979 which has now resulted in the so-called 4-2-1 family structure. When the only child was small he or she had four grandparents and two parents to care for it, but 30 years later one grown up now has to care for four potentially frail grandparents. In a Scandinavian context a much more institutionalized approach has developed, relying heavily on public locally organized welfare provisions. Yet in both cases intergenerational exchanges of material and care resources are involved, but in China they predominantly go from the younger to the older generations, while the opposite is true in Europe. The paper only deals with the methodological issues relating to this study and tries to solve the issue related to comparing a cluster of small states to a cluster of big states.

Full paper download: 2.1.2 Peter Abrahamson.pdf

Indigenous peoples lived in remote areas are marginalized and discriminated against, and their living condition and development opportunity is limited. The Council of Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan has long recognized their disadvantage status, and has been eager to set up service center in each indigenous township to provide concerning and care for the most disadvantage groups. National Dong Hwa University has hosted the in-service training and supervisory program since 2007. Quality of services and cultural competence were the core of in-service training program in 2007. However, from critical social work perspective, the primary function of these centers is not to redeem the shortage of welfare service in remote areas, or to deliver the service themselves. The primary function is to identify the unequal distribution of social welfare, education, medical, economic and political resources in remote areas, and to remove the barriers that excluded the most vulnerable from using services. Materials from government document and in-depth interview with social workers and residents will be gathered to elaborate this. We suggest that critical thinking together with advocacy skill should be the core of in-service training for indigenous social worker in those centers.
This paper attempts to answer: what are the institutional conditions for labour market risks? It investigates how institutional conditions cause labour market risk using four policies, employment protection legislation for permanent workers, for temporary workers, a statutory minimum wage, and the net replacement rate for long-term unemployment. These are analyzed to examine how these conditions combine to have an impact on long-term unemployment rates and non-standard employment rates in Korea, Japan, Austria, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Netherlands, Norway, Spain, Sweden, United Kingdom and the United States during the period of 2001 to 2008 (8 time points). Institutionalism including the Varieties of Capitalism (VOC) literature (Hall and Soskice 2001, Estevez-Abe, Iversen and Soskice 2001) provides a useful theoretical background to this study in investigating how different institutions have various ramifications for labour market risks. The study demonstrates that fs/QCA is capable of taking an institutional approach with a large number of cases. In the analysis of institutions as a causal condition for the existence of labour market risks, it is suggested that certain institutional arrangements result in a high rate of non-standard employment or long-term unemployment. The result suggests that there are multiple pathways to the same outcome which Ragin (2008) terms as different 'recipes'. This study demonstrates how institutions can be examined as a configuration using fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis and tests empirically how different institutional configurations cause labour market risk. Lastly, the paper highlights the importance of examining multiple policies together.

The Take-up of Social Assistance: A Survey in a Southern Taiwan City

Social assistance in considered a residual system of welfare. However, it is the last resort of many disadvantaged. Therefore, it is important to maximize the likelihood of benefit delivering to those who are in financial difficulties. One of the vital points to achieve this goal is to promote the talk-up of benefits. Despite the importance of take-up in social assistance, it is rarely studied in Taiwan.

This paper draws the data from a large-scale survey conducted in Tainan, a southern Taiwan city, to explore the take-up of social assistance. The survey was conducted in 2010, and 754 low-income households were successfully interviewed. The results show that low-income people get the information about benefits from different sources. People in different low-income categories and living in different districts receive information from different sources. In addition, people living in different districts have different levels of likelihood of receiving help in the application process. These imply the impact of social capital and administrative factors on take-up. This study also finds a widespread worry among the applicants about the complexity of the application process. This paper concludes by addressing the importance of providing information and assistance to low-income people in application process to improve the take-up of social assistance.

In April 2006, the government of the Hong Kong Special Administration Region launched the New Dawn Project (ND).  It is specifically designed as a workfare programme for single parents and child carers (mostly married women who take care of their children at home) on the Comprehensive Social Security Assistance (CSSA, a social security programme for low-income households) whose youngest children are aged 12 to 14.  It aims to assist the participants to enhance their capacity for self-help, integrate into the community and move towards self-reliance through engagement in work.  These CSSA recipients are required to join the ND Project to actively seek paid employment with working hours of not less than 32 per month; otherwise a penalty of HK$200 will be enforced from the CSSA payments except for those with special circumstances, such as having health problems, or additional caring responsibilities.  By the end of August 2009, a total of 17,448 CSSA recipients had participated in the Project, and 5,203 of them (30%) had secured paid jobs.  The Social Welfare Department had commissioned The University of Hong Kong to conduct an evaluation study in 2007, and an extension study was completed in 2009.  The findings showed that the majority of the Project participants indicated that their participation in the Project had positive effect on their family income, quality of life and self-confidence.  Most of them also thought that the requirement on working hours (32 hours per month) was reasonable and most parent-child relationships were not affected.  Supplemented with the data collected from the study mentioned above, this paper will explore what considerations would the single parent CSSA recipients take in choosing to work or stay out of the job market beside the mandatory requirements imposed by the government. It will also situate the discussion within Hong Kong's special demography background, drastic economic restructuring, distortion of the labour market, and the limited protection of labour regulations and social security system. 
Although the original policy framework for the MLSS designed by the central government in mainland China had no clear-cut idea of workfare, its changing attitudes expressed in policy documents thereafter had encouraged local governments to embrace workfare measures at their discretions. Local governments have introduced a range of measures corresponding with the idea of workfare, such as "work first", training and financial incentives to require the MLSS recipients seek jobs and improve employability.
The flawed mechanisms of the MLSS, such as gap-filling style income support scheme, the attached benefits to the MLSS recipient and the neglecting of the family size's impact on living expenses may partially justify the local governments' workfare measures. But taking the subsistence level of the MLSS benefit and the unregistered employment of the recipients into consideration, the workfare measures are just a reaction to an illusion of welfare dependency.
In practice, the idea of "activation", particularly providing training and/or financial incentive measures to assist the unemployed, is lagging far behind the idea of "work first", for example, punishing those refuse to work or not showing willingness to get re-employed. With such a creeping conditionality, the MLSS has been experiencing a complex shift from a "moderate protectivist" scheme to an "aggressive productivist" one in some major cities in China.
Unlike the introduction of workfare as the reaction to the welfare dependence in other countries, the local governments' initiatives of workfare in mainland China is mostly motivated by the spending reining incentive of this general tax financed income maintenance pregame. The decentralization of social expenditure responsibility to local governments without sound fiscal transfer payment resulted in the fiscal pressure of social assistance and social welfare program. And more important, without sound accountability in local governance, the citizenship is "conditional" and unprotective.
Marketization, decentralization and socialization have been the key strategies of contemporary social welfare reforms in China. Minban (private) secondary school is one of those experiments. They provides alternative types of education, and can enjoy greater autonomous from government control. Nevertheless, in the new institutional environment characterized by controlled-decentralized governance reform coupled with increasing popularity of the market principles in its economic reform, such autonomy is not without limit. Within that boundary, the schools have to be active in constructing their strategies to defend and expand their autonomy. Based on an original in-depth analysis of eight school cases covering four major types of minban school in China, this paper explored and categorized their strategies as 'capitalization', 'advocacy', 'avoidance', and 'isolation'. The degree of autonomous obtained was very much depended on their resources, protection and support acquired from the local governments and consumers, through different strategies. This paper argued that, given the reforms for decades, the government still maintained substantial control on education and schools, through the established bureaucratic structure and successful re-penetration into the new institutional environment via new forms of governance. To certain extent, this hampered the possible contribution of the minban schools in China.
Graduate unemployment has become an issue in many East Asian countries in the last two decades. By the end of the first decade, unemployment rate among tertiary degree holders has reached between 25 to 30 percent in four major economies in the region, significantly higher the world average of 19.53% in 2007 and far more higher than the one digit rate among European countries. Popular explanations on graduate unemployment are reviewed with special attention to those on oversupply, mismatching and overeducation. By exploring the incidence of unemployment among graduates in the region from various perspectives, this paper argues that no single theory can provide satisfactory answer to the topic due to a very special political and social background in East Asian countries, which is also a factor that any policy suggestions on responding the issue will have to address.

Higher Education has been expanding rapidly in East Asian countries in the past two decades. While Japan, Korea and Taiwan entering the stage of universal higher education in late 1990s and early 2000s, China has crossed the borderline between elite and mass higher education in 2002. However, higher education expansion in the region is mainly fuelled escalating investment from private resources. The fact that an emergence of large number of private institutes and an increase of tuition fees have been widely witnessed across the region prompts concerns on if the expansion is for the interest of the disadvantaged. By investigating the new financial mechanism behind the expansion and disclosing its impacts on students from disadvantaged backgrounds, especially their access to university, this paper argues for a counterbalancing student aid system as a supplementary scheme to expansion in order to offset its negative impacts.

Full paper download: 1.3.1 Wing-Kit Chan & Xuan Wu.pdf

The discussion of welfare regimes is extensive both in western and Asian contexts, but feminists have pointed out the lack of a gender perspective and the neglect of unpaid work in the construction of welfare models, and call for the gendering of welfare regimes. The discussion of welfare regimes in Hong Kong has similarly neglected gender and care and work issues. This paper reports the findings of a qualitative study that has involved 60 single mothers on welfare, and interviews of policy analysts and service providers. The study addresses the knowledge gap by applying gender perspectives in the analysis of welfare regimes. It reveals the meaning of care, work and welfare adopted by lone mothers, and their experiences in encounters with service providers. The finding displays that lone mothers are overwhelmed by the heavy burden of caring work and the role as the only available carer in the family. The length of work time, intensity, and the lack of flexibility of caring work make the majority of lone mothers find the work demanding. By unveiling the social perception that the non-paid caring work is less demanding than paid work, and that the lone mothers should pay more efforts by taking up paid work instead, the dilemma faced by lone mothers is shown. It has, therefore, added a new perspective to policy analysis by presenting the subjective experiences and views of service users in relation to the definitions of needs and the impact of welfare on them. Women's resistance to power domination in a Chinese context in response to a welfare regime characterized by a dual-earner or an adult-worker model is documented.
East Asian societies are deeply affected by the Confucius culture. At the family perspective, the Confucius culture represents the extended family structure which the oldest sons are responsible for the parents. In addition, after marrying a man, a woman has to leave her maternal family and care for her husband's household. However, with the increase of education level and the labour participation rate of nowadays women, the traditional family structure that men get out for work and women care for the family is no longer a common scenario. Therefore, married women were expected to stay home and attend to the family, but they prefer keeping their jobs and pursuing their careers. This conflict makes it difficult for couple to step into marriage. These phenomena can be seen as the first-marriage age, the unmarried rate and the divorce rate. This paper points out that the governments should be aware of the changes of the societies, and to institute family policies for core families and single-parent families. The policies include child care, elderly care, after school activities, and paid parental leave. The policies are aiming at providing care from the society and decreasing the gap of expectation of marriage between tradition and modern.
Viewing the literature, there is no research seems children as subjective to analyze the issues of children's exclusion in Taiwan. Child was a person who understands his/her life. Childhood must seem as a social experience. Once children are treat as a subjective to concern their participation and social inclusion, the risks of children exclusion are need to be taken into account. In hence, the main focus of this research, which is children-centred approach in nature, is to obtain a comprehensive understanding the dynamic process of children's social exclusion in Taiwan. It will examine the following issues: 1.analyzing the concept of social exclusion in Taiwan, particularly children's social exclusion, 2.understanding children's social exclusion phenomena; and 3.basing on research findings to provide policy implications.
The study underlines the necessity of examining the phenomena and the dynamic process of children's social exclusion in Taiwan. This study tries to use literature analysis, focus group, interviews to collect data. The findings of the research could help with the arrangements of social policy. The contributions of this research will, it is hoped remind us that when welfare planners try to design action plan for children, must under the consideration of children-centred approach to know the phenomena of children's social exclusion.
Similar to post-industrial countries in Europe, newly industrialized countries in Asia have entered an era of below-replacement fertility.  Indeed, the total fertility rates for Japan, South Korea, Singapore and Taiwan in 2009 were 1.4, 1.2, 1.1, and 1.0, respectively.  Governments are trying to raise fertility to prevent population decline and to preclude drastic population aging.  This paper analyzes qualitative data collected in Singapore in 2007 and 2008 through semi-structured personal interviews with 165 women of childbearing age and 39 focus group discussions regarding their views and lived experiences of recent state policies aimed at encouraging citizens to give births.  My analysis suggests that the interviewees consider childbearing as a long-term commitment and want more direct and universal state subsidies (especially for education and healthcare) amid inflation and job insecurity.  The current incentives are perceived only as short-term benefits and thus have limited effectiveness.  At the same time, respondents remain convinced that their own family members would be the best/ideal caregivers for young children, and the unavailability of such informal support hinders positive childbearing decision-making.  This paper suggests that, while the second demographic transition in Europe has been theorized as a function of individualization, life-style choice, and transformation of intimacy (van de Kaa 1987, Lesthaeghe 1991, Giddens 1995), the persistent low fertility in Singapore is remarkably a function of the liberal familialist welfare regime (Ochiai, 2010) and the attendant relatively under-developed state provisions of welfare and social protection.  It thus complements the rich literature of social policy in East and Southeast Asia (Haggard 1990; Mok, 2009; Peng 2002, 2004; Ramesh, 2004) and existing studies of low fertility based on decontextulized large scale probability sampling surveys.

Full paper download: 1.1.4 Shirley Hsiao-Li Sun.pdf

This article aims to explain the way in which South Korea has taken the path to a 'small' welfare state since the 1990s in the post-democratization era. This studyasks and answers why the universalization of public programs has rapidly occurred and at the same why Korea has mainly remained the smallest welfare state among OECD countries today. Characterization of recent welfare changes in South Korea as a 'small' welfare state seems to contrast with the argument that democratization politics has played a crucial role in upgrading the Korean welfare state since the 1990s. But it is not the same explanation as what the 'productivist welfare capitalism' suggests.The framework of 'incremental change of institution' is useful in analyzing patterns of continuity and change of social policy institutions, overcoming both functionalist aspects of democratization thesis and the static model of the productivist welfare capitalism.We need to look at the ways in which defenders and challengers compromise, and its consequences. This analysis has two advantages: 1) we can pay more attention to defenders' reinterpretation of the institutional rule and their active roles in the rule revision and 2) we can analyze the effects of the pre-existing rule on challengers, and their limitations of alternatives. In the rule-remaking process of public programs, we have definitely witnessed the democratization of social rights, but we have seen bureaucratization reinforced and marketization introduced simultaneously.In addition to the analysis of such a rule-remaking process of public programs, it is critical for us to look at whether 'functional equivalents' to public welfare programs have been incrementally transferred to public sphere or more broadly applied. Capital and labor, as main financial contributors and tax-payers, have been passive in the universalization of social insurance programs and the growth of public welfare, pursuing segementalist social insurance programs and importantly expandingcorporate welfare programs as functional equivalents to public programs.The private sector actors' responses along with the public sector actors' havecontributed to the building ofa'small' welfare state in South Koreain the post-democratization period.

Full paper download: 1.1.3 Woo Myungsook.pdf

During the "golden age of the welfare state", from the end of World War II until the middle of the 1970ies, the Taiwanese welfare Systems was relative residual. However, after the 1980ies, while most developed countries faced a tendency of welfare retrenchment, the Taiwanese Welfare System expanded rapidly and until recently, there is still no tendency for major social welfare retrenchments in Taiwan. In other words, the logic of Taiwanese welfare development can be described as "old politics" in term of Paul Pierson. This means politics does matter for the development of social welfare in Taiwan.
Since the major social cleavage in Taiwan is not class or left-right schema, but ethnical background and national identity among the population. The Power Resource Theories or Party-deference approach can not give a satisfied answer why Taiwanese welfare Systems expanded rapidly in the 1990ties, but relative slower in the 2000ties. These welfare state developments theories can neither give a comprehensive insight into the Taiwanese welfare state and its background, nor explains why the welfare development in Taiwan was relatively more expanded than Korea in the 1990ties. We argue the institutional or functional approaches show also limitation when applying to examine the welfare state development in Taiwan. 
This study combined the theories of welfare state development and researches of ethnical groups in Taiwan. We argue the factor "ethnical group" plays a significant role behind the dynamic of Taiwanese social welfare development, especially in the 1990ties. The welfare debate was influenced by the background that the social protection for Veterans was much better than other citizens. Since the majority among them were from Mainland China after 1949, the than opposition party DPP demanded therefore a "fair" social welfare Systems in the earlier 1990ties. This leaded to quickly introduction of the National Health Insurance and social allowance System for Farmers. But after the introduction of social allowances systems for the Elderly citizens in 2002, the differences of the social protection for difference ethical groups was reduced. We argue that the factor "ethnical groups" did not have the same impact after 2002.

After the 1970's Energy Crisis, the New Right ideology, which was composed of neo-liberalism and neo-conservatism, was widely accepted in the western welfare state to downsize the scope of state and reallocate the welfare responsibility among state, society, family and individual. Public Private Partnerships, or PPP, has become a crucial issue in welfare governance. State has transformed to an enabler rather than a provider in welfare provision. It purchases welfare services from NGOs to serve citizens within the new financial arrangement and regulatory framework in accordance with the theory of New Public Management.

Hong Kong is a typical case of use of PPP in welfare services. Since 1970s, more than 90% of welfare services have been delivered by NGOs with substantial financial support of government. Given annual substantial public expenditure invested in NGOs, colonial Hong Kong government has repeatedly emphasized the importance of accountability in its White Papers on Social Welfare.

In the face of several political-economic problems, the colonial government of Hong Kong launched social welfare subvention reform in the mid-1990s based on the tenets of New Public Management. Accountability and customer-oriented services are the focus of new Lump Sum Grant Subvention System, comprising Lump Sum Grant Subvention, Competitive Bidding, and Service Performance Monitoring System. It is the first time that government formulates a policy framework to carry out accountability in PPP in Hong Kong social welfare.

Employing the political economy theoretical framework, this study critically analyze the PPP in Hong Kong social welfare service under New Public Management welfare governance model by examining how NGOs' access to power and resource for survival and development as well as playing their roles in the new subvention system. The study reveals that in current PPP in Hong Kong social welfare, the power is not being shared equally. Government possesses power over resource allocation, service standard setting, and so on. The existing accountability arrangement in PPP is partial and incomplete. NGOs and social workers are being kept constantly on the run due to shirking resources and increasing accountability expectation.